Jury Is Still Out On Scope Of Arbitration Clauses

DailyBusinessReview

By Allan A. Joseph
September 5, 2014    

Our country rose from the discontent of oppressive power. It is within our genetic makeup to be vested with fundamental rights ensuring fairness, equality and justice. Indeed, on July 4, 1776, our Founding Fathers explained in declaring our separation from the tyrannical King of England:

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government.

One of the most important rights guaranteed to us is a right to a jury trial. This right has ensured that there is a just avenue to justice without regard to the size or power of the litigants. The right to a trial by a jury of our peers has long been deemed to be the great equalizer between the might of Corporate America and the grievance of the individual. Understandably, a level playing field has not been in Corporate America’s playbook.

Companies have learned that because most consumer disputes concern relatively small amounts, and the costs of bringing such suits will far exceed the expected recovery, most consumers cannot afford to bring individual action to redress corporate misconduct. The sole vehicle for relief to the consumer is through class action procedures, where the accretive nature of the claims-by-numbers provides the economic incentive to challenge the alleged corporate misconduct. In order to block such consumer remedies, companies have taken to inserting mandatory arbitration clauses that are in fact intended to strip away the rights of consumers to have an effective avenue of redress.

Recently, the U.S. Supreme Court has handed Corporate America a series of successful decisions enforcing arbitration clauses, which effectively preclude classwide relief. In a string of decisions the court eviscerated the class action remedy and empowered Corporate America to effectively contract its way out of liability for misconduct.[1] Corporate counsel across the country celebrated with each passing decision.

However, consumers have fought back and the state courts have listened. The Florida Supreme Court recently invalidated an arbitration clause and held that even with the signatures of all parties, there must be a “meeting of minds” regarding the agreement to arbitrate.[2] The California Supreme Court served its retort by finding that arbitration clauses are unenforceable in qui tam, private attorney general cases.[3] Just last week, Florida’s Third District Court of Appeals issued the Allscripts decision, which took yet another bite from the reach of an arbitration clause.[4]

In Allscripts, the subsidiary entity entered into licensing agreements with end-user doctors for the use of electronic health care software. The doctors have contended that as a result of the cost of maintenance, coupled with the drag on its bottom line, Allscripts caused the software to be effectively discontinued and forced the end-users to migrate to another product. This forced migration would cause a dramatic loss of productivity to the doctor’s practice as the product was installed, and then cause debilitating losses while the doctor’s staff was trained on the use of the new program. Rather than explain to the doctors that their software was effectively discontinued, Allscripts misrepresented that the forced migration was simply a “free upgrade” to their existing software. A class action was filed by the doctors against Allscripts — not its subsidiary — because Allscripts itself used its officers to promote the deceptive schemes.

Parroting the tactics of Corporate America, the subsidiary incorporated an arbitration provision in its licensing agreement, which required all disputes to be arbitrated in North Carolina. However, the subsidiary added a sentence to the boilerplate clause which stated that, other than the end-user doctor and subsidiary, “no other party may sue or be sued under this agreement.” After Allscripts unsuccessfully petitioned the court to enforce its subsidiary’s arbitration provision, Allscripts appealed. The appellate court affirmed the trial court, finding that the class claims were against the nonsignatory parent, not against the signatory subsidiary. Because the claims were outside the license agreements, Allscripts had no right to seek refuge behind its subsidiary’s arbitration clause. The class action was allowed to proceed.

Corporate America should take notice of this trend by the state courts of narrowing the scope and reach of arbitration, and consider revisiting the engineering behind its protective shield. Arbitration clauses should explicitly define, among other things, what claims are intended for resolution and what claims are not intended for resolutions. However, because the arbitration clauses ultimately insulate the company from liability due to the barriers to bring arbitration, Corporate America needs to exercise a degree of caution in creating the de facto limitations of liability clauses.

In crafting the Declaration of Independence, our Founding Fathers scribed a litany of tyrannical grievances which gave rise to the extraordinary need of the American colonies to be free from British rule. The egregious deprivations included, “for depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury.” Our courts have a duty to preserve this right whenever lawfully possible.

Thus, if Corporate America becomes too greedy in its quest to insulate itself liability from its own misconduct, the arbitration tool may be whittled away to dust. But, for now, corporate counsel across the country should replace the corks in their celebratory bottles of champagne.

—By Allan A. Joseph, Fuerst Ittleman David & Joseph PL

Allan Joseph is a partner and founding member of Fuerst Ittleman David & Joseph and is located in the firm’s Miami office. 

 

Law 360: Jury Is Still Out On Scope Of Arbitration Clauses

360

By Allan A. Joseph
August 28, 2014    

Our country rose from the discontent of oppressive power. It is within our genetic makeup to be vested with fundamental rights ensuring fairness, equality and justice. Indeed, on July 4, 1776, our Founding Fathers explained in declaring our separation from the tyrannical King of England:

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government.

One of the most important rights guaranteed to us is a right to a jury trial. This right has ensured that there is a just avenue to justice without regard to the size or power of the litigants. The right to a trial by a jury of our peers has long been deemed to be the great equalizer between the might of Corporate America and the grievance of the individual. Understandably, a level playing field has not been in Corporate America’s playbook.

Companies have learned that because most consumer disputes concern relatively small amounts, and the costs of bringing such suits will far exceed the expected recovery, most consumers cannot afford to bring individual action to redress corporate misconduct. The sole vehicle for relief to the consumer is through class action procedures, where the accretive nature of the claims-by-numbers provides the economic incentive to challenge the alleged corporate misconduct. In order to block such consumer remedies, companies have taken to inserting mandatory arbitration clauses that are in fact intended to strip away the rights of consumers to have an effective avenue of redress.

Recently, the U.S. Supreme Court has handed Corporate America a series of successful decisions enforcing arbitration clauses, which effectively preclude classwide relief. In a string of decisions the court eviscerated the class action remedy and empowered Corporate America to effectively contract its way out of liability for misconduct.[1] Corporate counsel across the country celebrated with each passing decision.

However, consumers have fought back and the state courts have listened. The Florida Supreme Court recently invalidated an arbitration clause and held that even with the signatures of all parties, there must be a “meeting of minds” regarding the agreement to arbitrate.[2] The California Supreme Court served its retort by finding that arbitration clauses are unenforceable in qui tam, private attorney general cases.[3] Just last week, Florida’s Third District Court of Appeals issued the Allscripts decision, which took yet another bite from the reach of an arbitration clause.[4]

In Allscripts, the subsidiary entity entered into licensing agreements with end-user doctors for the use of electronic health care software. The doctors have contended that as a result of the cost of maintenance, coupled with the drag on its bottom line, Allscripts caused the software to be effectively discontinued and forced the end-users to migrate to another product. This forced migration would cause a dramatic loss of productivity to the doctor’s practice as the product was installed, and then cause debilitating losses while the doctor’s staff was trained on the use of the new program. Rather than explain to the doctors that their software was effectively discontinued, Allscripts misrepresented that the forced migration was simply a “free upgrade” to their existing software. A class action was filed by the doctors against Allscripts — not its subsidiary — because Allscripts itself used its officers to promote the deceptive schemes.

Parroting the tactics of Corporate America, the subsidiary incorporated an arbitration provision in its licensing agreement, which required all disputes to be arbitrated in North Carolina. However, the subsidiary added a sentence to the boilerplate clause which stated that, other than the end-user doctor and subsidiary, “no other party may sue or be sued under this agreement.” After Allscripts unsuccessfully petitioned the court to enforce its subsidiary’s arbitration provision, Allscripts appealed. The appellate court affirmed the trial court, finding that the class claims were against the nonsignatory parent, not against the signatory subsidiary. Because the claims were outside the license agreements, Allscripts had no right to seek refuge behind its subsidiary’s arbitration clause. The class action was allowed to proceed.

Corporate America should take notice of this trend by the state courts of narrowing the scope and reach of arbitration, and consider revisiting the engineering behind its protective shield. Arbitration clauses should explicitly define, among other things, what claims are intended for resolution and what claims are not intended for resolutions. However, because the arbitration clauses ultimately insulate the company from liability due to the barriers to bring arbitration, Corporate America needs to exercise a degree of caution in creating the de facto limitations of liability clauses.

In crafting the Declaration of Independence, our Founding Fathers scribed a litany of tyrannical grievances which gave rise to the extraordinary need of the American colonies to be free from British rule. The egregious deprivations included, “for depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury.” Our courts have a duty to preserve this right whenever lawfully possible.

Thus, if Corporate America becomes too greedy in its quest to insulate itself liability from its own misconduct, the arbitration tool may be whittled away to dust. But, for now, corporate counsel across the country should replace the corks in their celebratory bottles of champagne.

Allan Joseph is a partner and founding member of Fuerst Ittleman David & Joseph and is located in the firm’s Miami office. 

 

[1] See Stolt-Nielsen SA v. AnimalFeeds Int’l Corp., 559 U.S. 662, 130 S.Ct. 1758, 176 L.Ed.2d 605 (2010), (an arbitration clause must evince an express assent to class action arbitration); AT&T Mobility LLC v. Concepcion, ––– U.S. ––––, 131 S. Ct. 1740, 1746 (2011) (finding the Federal Arbitration Act preempted California’s prohibition against class action waivers); Oxford Health Plans LLC v. Sutter, ––– U.S. ––––, 133 S.Ct. 2064, 186 L.Ed.2d 113 (2013) (dicta).

[2] Basulto v. Hialeah Auto., 2014 WL 1057334, 39 Fla. L. Weekly S140 (Fla. 2014), reh’g denied (June 19, 2014).

[3] Iskanian v. CLS Transp. Los Angeles LLC, 59 Cal. 4th 348, 381, 327 P.3d 129, 147 (Cal. 2014).

[4] Allscripts Healthcare Solutions Inc. v. Pain Clinic of NW. Florida Inc., 3D13-716, 2014 WL 3930150 (Fla. 3d DCA 2014).

Governor Scott Signs Medical Marijuana Bill

By  Brandon Larrabee
The News Service of Florida
June 16, 2014 

TALLAHASSEE (CBSMiami/NSF) – Gov. Rick Scott quietly signed a bill Monday legalizing a limited form of medical marijuana known as “Charlotte’s Web,” even as much of the state’s GOP leadership continues battling a constitutional amendment allowing more sweeping use of pot.

The measure (SB 1030) allows some patients to use a strain of marijuana that ttlemans low in euphoria-inducing tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) but high in cannabidiol (CBD) — a mix that supporters say provides the health-care benefits of pot without the high.

The strain is supposed to dramatically reduce life-threatening seizures in children with a rare-form of epilepsy but has not been approved by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration.

“The approval of Charlotte’s Web will ensure that children in Florida who suffer from seizures and other debilitating illnesses will have the medication needed to improve their quality of life,” said Scott, who had announced during the legislative session that he would sign the bill. “I am proud to stand today with families who deserve the ability to provide their children with the best treatment available.”

The governor also signed a measure (SB 1700) shielding patient records related to the use of medical marijuana from public view.

The charge for the legislation was led by Rep. Matt Gaetz, a conservative Fort Walton Beach Republican who took up the cause after discussions with Holley and Peyton Moseley. They say Charlotte’s Web can help their adopted daughter, RayAnn, and children in about 150,000 other Florida families. Gaetz is also the son of Senate President Don Gaetz, R-Niceville.

“Thank you @FLGovScott for signing the Compassionate Medical Cannabis Act! #helpisontheway,” the younger Gaetz wrote in a Twitter post Monday.

The House limited eligible growers to large commercial nurseries that have been in business in Florida for at least 30 years. The measure also requires five distribution centers — one each in the northwest, northeast, central, southeast and southwest parts of the state.

Under the proposal sent to Scott, growers — who will also manufacture the substance and distribute it to users — must also be registered with the Department of Agriculture for the cultivation of more than 400,000 plants and post a $5 million bond.

Scott signed the bill as some conservatives are gearing up to oppose a proposed constitutional amendment, known as Amendment 2, which would allow for more widespread use of medical marijuana without the restrictions on THC content. That measure, backed by Orlando trial attorney and Democratic campaign contributor John Morgan, will go before voters in November.

Andrew Ittleman, an attorney who works on issues facing marijuana businesses in states that have legalized it, underscored the difference between the broader industry and the relatively narrow exception carved out for Charlotte’s Web in Florida.

“We’ve gotten one little variety, one little strain of cannabis passed,” said Ittleman, of the firm Fuerst Ittleman David & Joseph.

But he said that some of the issues that face growers in states like Colorado — where pot growers are facing trouble finding banks, for example — could still emerge in Florida under the law Scott signed, because the federal government would still consider Charlotte’s Web to be a Schedule I drug.

To view original article, click here.

Lawyers Navigate Rising Financial Crime Risks amid Debate Over Regulation for Gatekeepers’

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Is it drug manufacturing or the practice of medicine? Stem cell therapy debate just getting started

By: Stephanie Baum
August 3, 2012

The latest round of a stem cell debate may have concluded, but as far as the lawyers representing an orthopedics company that has offered stem cell treatments are concerned, it’s a long way from over.

The lawyers representing Colorado-based Regenerative Science said they were filing a notice of appeal this week after a U.S. District Court judge’s ruling in favor of the U.S. Food and Drug Administration that its stem cell therapy is a drug. The case is being closely watched by everyone with a stake or an interest in the use of stem cells in medicine and could have significant ramifications for stem cell entrepreneurs who don’t believe their procedures amount to a drug or biologic.

Regenerative Science

Andrew Ittleman of Fuerst Ittleman is part of the legal team representing Regenerative Science. Although he acknowledged that the company has had to suspend its cell culture process, he said the ruling doesn’t really change anything in the big picture of stem cell policy. “If anything, [the decision] preserves the status quo, but the problem with that is that there’s so much uncertainty regarding what doctors can do and can’t do.”

Colorado-based Regnerative Science’s Regenexx procedure is presented as an alternative to traditional surgery that can treat fractures that have failed to heal, joint cartilage problems, partial tears of tendons, muscles, or ligaments, among other problems. It works like this: A physician takes a small bone marrow sample from the back of the patient’s hip through a needle. Blood samples are taken from a vein in the patient’s arm. The samples are sent to the Regenerative laboratory where the mesenchymal stem cells are isolated from the bone marrow and grown to greater numbers using growth factors in the patient’s blood. The stem cells are injected back into the relevant area in the patient.

The FDA initially sent a warning letter to Regenerative in 2008 after seeing its website. The company turned around and sued the FDA, and two years ago the FDA sought an injunction to shut it down.

The companies that occupy the stem cell treatment landscape are as diverse a group as you could hope to find in medicine. Some offer age-defying beauty solutions, others provide life-saving technology, others have quality-of-life-improving treatments for joints and muscles. There are entrepreneurs leading startups and Big Pharma companies too.

In 2010, the stem cell therapy market was $139.6 million and it was projected to grow to $1 billion by 2015, according to data compiled by Robin Young, the publisher of Orthopedics Week and the CEO of medical data mining company PearlDiver Technologies.

“This is on the very cutting edge of medicine and the FDA needs to move forward with it by making sure they have the best information on this science available to inform their decision-making,” said Michelle Hart Yeary, counsel with Dechert’s life science practice.

Minimally manipulated

The source for the debate comes from the regulatory framework the FDA set up in 2001 in light of the development of research and medical treatments using human cells, tissues and cellular or tissue-based products (human cell or tissue products) “to improve protection of the public health without imposing unnecessary restrictions on research, development or the availability of new products,” according to court documents. One point in this framework is that human cells or tissue can only be minimally manipulated. Minimal manipulation is defined as “processing that does not alter the relevant biological characteristics of cells or tissues.”

“There are lots of doctors out there using stem cell treatments,” said Arnie Friede of Arnie I Friede & Associates, a New York-based food and drug lawyer who has served as an associate chief counsel in the FDA chief counsel’s office. “I think you have to distinguish between people in traditional drug development and others engaged in different procedures that amount to the practice of medicine.”

Yeary says the regulator should evaluate cases on an individual basis. “Given the ‘minimally manipulate’ standard hasn’t been fully defined by the FDA or fully interpreted by the courts, I think decisions will need to be made on a case-by-case basis. This follows from the evolving state of the law.”

The case for stem cell treatments as drug manufacturing

Drug manufacturers that have invested millions in ensuring their facilities meet good manufacturing practices meeting FDA requirements and carrying out clinical trials to prove the efficacy and safety of their products have welcomed the ruling.

Christopher Scott, the director of Stanford University’s stem cell program for its center for biomedical ethics, told New Scientist he hoped it would lead to more FDA investigations of unproven stem cell treatments at other clinics.

Fibrocell is developing a platform technology to produce mesenchymal stem cells that are being used in research to develop osteoblasts, or bone cells; chondrocytes, or cartilage cells; and adipocytes, or fat cells. David Pernock also said he welcomed the judge’s decision.

Juventas Therapeutics recently raised $22 million for two phase 2 trials for chronic heart failure and for critical limb ischemia testing its stem cell treatment, JVS-100, which uses a protein naturally produced by the heart (stromal cell-derived factor 1) that attracts stem cells to damaged tissue, keeps cells from dying and restores blood flow. Medical device company Histogenics Corp. is raising $49 million in part to get CE Mark approval for its VeriCart  product — a single-step, cell-free collagen scaffold  designed to be used with the patient’s own stem cells to repair small cartilage defects associated with knee injuries.

If Regenerative Science ultimately loses, it could lead to a significant decrease in the number of stem cell companies unprepared to fork out more for the years of development needed to bring a drug or biologic to the FDA approval finish line. Perhaps having members of the stem cell industry work with the FDA to hammer out some more coherent regulations could better fill the perceived gaps between the medical industry and drug and medical device companies.

To view original article, click here.

Feds Winning Battle against Health Care Fraud

By: Merrill Goozner
December 15, 2011

12142011_Healthcare_Frauds_inline

Federal prosecutors brought a record number of cases of health care fraud in fiscal 2011, a new report said, with Florida and its huge Medicare-dependent population remaining the epicenter of fraudulent claims.

The latest data, drawn from federal records by the Transactional Records Access Records database at Syracuse University, showed total prosecutions jumped 68.9 percent to 1,235 cases compared to 2010, a record increase.

The huge increase was fueled largely by a sharp jump in cases brought in Puerto Rico, where prosecutors charged 548 defendants with health care fraud last year, up from just 119 the previous year. Most of those were minor cases. But even without the Puerto Rican cases, fraud prosecutions nationwide were up sharply and reached the highest level since 2000.

Miami led the nation in activity, accounting for nearly one out of every nine health care fraud prosecutions, followed by Houston. Together, federal prosecutors in those two districts accounted for over one out of every five health care fraud prosecutions.

“The good news is there’s lots of prosecutions. The bad news is there’s
lots of prosecutions.”

The Obama administration stepped up its enforcement activity in late 2009 with the creation of tasks forces in nine cities to root out Medicare and Medicaid fraud. “They’re really going after these cases very aggressively, and I think you’ll see prosecutions increase even more over the next few years,” said Louis Saccoccio, chief executive officer of the National Health Care Anti-Fraud Association, which was launched in 1985 by insurers to help root out both private and public sector fraud in the industry.

“The good news is there’s lots of prosecutions,” he said. “The bad news is there’s lots of prosecutions. The real question is what will CMS (the Center for Medicare and Medicare Services) do to prevent these frauds from taking place in the first place.”

A typical case concluded in Trenton last week when a federal judge sentenced a former senior manager of Columbia, Md.-based Maxim Health Care Services, one of the nation’s leading home health care providers, to five months in prison for setting up a phony office that billed Medicaid and the Veterans Administration nearly a million dollars. The criminal charges were part of a nationwide investigation of Maxim that led in September to an out-of-court settlement where the firm – to avoid a conviction that might have disqualified it from the programs – agreed to pay the government $150 million in criminal and civil penalties.

Experts and even defense attorneys say health care fraud, estimated to cost the government $70 billion a year, won’t be curbed until the government figures out how to short-circuit schemes through better monitoring of claims before they are paid and better screening of firms before they are allowed to sell services to the programs. Last June, CMS launched a data-mining program that will review Medicare claims before payment to identify individual providers that show huge spikes in activity. “CMS is on the right track,” Saccoccio said.

“They have to blow up the bill now, investigate later system,” agreed Andrew Ittleman, a white collar criminal defense attorney at Fuerst Ittleman in Miami. While he says that many cases involve companies in legitimate billing disputes with the government, he agreed “it’s not at all misguided given the size of the problem and the magnitude of the fraud.”

“The more sinister cases down here involve people who set up broom closets without an address and bill Medicare as long as they can before they high-tail it to Cuba or wherever in Latin America,” he said. “Magistrates aren’t even giving pre-trial release to some of these defendants because we don’t have an extradition treaty with Cuba.”

To view original article, click here.

Hunton & Williams delays record disclosures in Stanford case

By: Paul Brinkmann
October 19, 2009

Attorneys at one of Miami’s largest law offices are waiting for a Texas judge to rule on whether they should be forced to turn over records of their work for accused Ponzi schemer R. Allen Stanford.

Carlos Loumiet, Miami-based attorney for Hunton & Williams, helped Stanford set up a special trust office to move millions of dollars to Antigua before the SEC shut down Stanford International Bank earlier this year.

Hunton & Williams has agreed to turn over records related to Stanford’s U.S. operations and some limited files about representing Stanford personally, but it is fighting the request for records about Stanford operations based in Antigua.

Attorneys for Stanford receiver Ralph Janvey said Hunton & Williams’ refusal to turn over certain records has “jeopardized” the ability to recover and preserve assets for victims of the alleged scheme.

Kevin Sadler, of the Baker Botts law firm in Austin, Texas, represents the receiver.

In March, Hunton & Williams’ general counsel, Robert Rolfe, wrote to Sadler, saying that the law firm believes U.S. federal courts lack jurisdiction over the Antiguan companies, and that a receiver in Antigua may have jurisdiction.

Loumiet was in Greenberg Traurig’s Miami office when he began working for Stanford in the late 1990s.The Miami Herald reported Greenberg Traurig is being drawn into the investigation.

Loumiet, Greenberg Traurig and Hunton & Williams have not responded to the Business Journal’s request for interviews about the Stanford case.

In correspondence attached to court filings, Rolfe said Hunton & Williams maintains all the work it did for Stanford was “legal work.”

Janvey could be looking for law firm records for several reasons, said Andrew Ittleman, a partner with Fuerst Humphrey Ittleman in Miami who specializes in anti-money laundering law. The receiver probably just believes the records could help him investigate Stanford’s operations, he said, and is trying to determine if firms that advised a defunct company could be relief defendants.

“It’s more likely the firms are also victims of Stanford’s,” he added, noting lawyers should recognize illegal schemes if they work for one long enough.

To view original article, click here.