Federal regulator renews real estate money laundering dragnet in South Florida

February 23, 2017
By Nina Lincoff

In its continuing effort to crackdown on real estate money laundering, the Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN) announced it will renew an order requiring title companies to identify the natural persons behind companies in residential currency transactions of $1 million or more in South Florida.

FinCEN announced Thursday that it would renew a temporary order – for the second time – which aims to end secrecy in real estate purchases in six major metropolitan areas, including South Florida. The goal of “geographic- targeting-orders,” or GTOS, is to make it more difficult for mysterious shell companies to drop millions of dollars of cash on luxury condos and homes.

The ruling could have an impact in Miami-Dade County, where there is the largest supply of $1 million-plus condos in the region’s history.

The FinCEN order, which has been in place since last year, has proven very effective when it comes to identifying potential high-risk real estate money laundering transactions.
FinCEN found that 30 percent of the transactions covered by the order thus far have involved an owner that is also named in a suspicious activity report, or red flag report. Banks file SARs when a customer does something that is outside the normal course of business and seems potentially suspicious.

The FinCEN geographic targeting order first came into effect on March 1, 2016 and was set to expire on August 27 of the same year. That order targeted deals in Miami-Dade and Manhattan. In July, regulators decided to expand the dragnet, adding Broward and Palm Beach counties, among other areas, to the order. The expanded order also covered business and personal checks, as well as currency transactions and cashier’s checks.

That expanded order was set to expire on Thursday, but it seems that FinCEN likes the information that it has been getting.

“These GTOs are producing valuable data that is assisting law enforcement and is serving to inform our future efforts to address money laundering in the real estate sector,” said FinCEN Acting Director Jamal El-Hindi on Thursday. “The subject of money laundering and illicit financial flows involving the real estate sector is something that we have been taking on in steps to ensure that we continue to build an efficient and effective regulatory approach.”

The renewed order becomes effective on Friday, and will stay in place for 180 days, according to FinCEN. The six major metro areas covered by the GTO are all boroughs of New York City, South Florida, Los Angeles County, three counties in the California Bay Area including San Francisco, San Diego County, and Bexar County in Texas, which includes San Antonio.

The order essentially means that for all residential transactions over a certain price threshold, law enforcement wants to know the actual person buying the property. The price thresholds change depending on region – in South Florida it’s still $1 million, while in Manhattan it’s $3 million.

Cash sales are huge in South Florida, and Miami-Dade County has the biggest supply of $1 million-plus condos for sale in the region’s history. As of Dec. 31, there were approximately 2,549 $1 million-plus condos for sale in Miami- Dade.

While this order isn’t meant to discourage legitimate buyers from purchasing real estate, it may have an effect on buyers who don’t want their identities tied to properties they own.

FinCEN is an arm of the U.S. Department of Treasury. Treasury has been tasked by President Donald Trump via executive order to review existing regulation and legislation and how such oversight impacts business success. The fact that the FinCEN GTO has been renewed, despite a new administration viewed as more business-friendly, suggests that either the GTO has been very effective, and/or that the problem of real estate money laundering is very severe.

“The GTO presents an interesting conundrum for the new administration. On the one hand, President Trump made his name as a real estate developer and has held himself out as being friendly towards development,” said Andrew Ittleman, a partner at Miami law firm Fuerst Ittleman David & Joseph. “On the other hand, Trump was the ‘law and order’ candidate, and appears to be taking an aggressive posture towards crime, especially the international variety.”

To view original article, click here.

States Keep Passing Laws On Marijuana As Anti-Marijuana Leaders Take Over

February 8, 2017
By Debora Borchardt

The states may be pushing forward with more legalization of marijuana, but Washington, D.C., might be stepping back. The marijuana business community has a mixed outlook regarding how the new administration will address their emerging multimillion-dollar industry. Some say “the genie is out of the bottle and they won’t roll it back,” while others are nervously parsing each political utterance about cannabis.

In Tom Angell’s Marijuana Moment newsletter, he pointed out that during yesterday’s nomination hearing for Jeff Sessions as Attorney General, Elizabeth Warren noted his penchant for “aggressively prosecuting marijuana offenses” before she was silenced. Hawaii Senator Brian Schatz said that he believed Sessions’ views on marijuana were out of the mainstream and suggested that Sessions tell cancer victims that “good people don’t smoke marijuana,” a reference to one of Sessions well-known quotes. Washington Senator Maria Cantwell said Sessions “refused to respect the rights of states” to enact their own marijuana laws.

Separately, President Trump met with law enforcement officials and the topic of asset seizures came up. This is a very sensitive subject for many marijuana businesses. Several dispensaries tell stories of being raided and losing inventory as well as cash that they store in their vaults because they can’t get bank accounts. They are either not charged with a crime or have the charges dropped, but then never get their money or their inventory returned. A Texas sheriff complained that a state senator wanted to ban the practice and Trump threatened, perhaps jokingly, that he wanted to destroy that lawmaker’s career. That’s definitely not what cannabis owners want to hear.

Not only is Sessions going to work against the marijuana industry, but also the next Health and Human Services Secretary Tom Price is decidedly anti-marijuana. He will oversee the Food and Drug Administration, the National Institutes of Health and the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services. Price has consistently voted against marijuana legislation. It’s hard to imagine these two won’t convince Trump to see things their way. The president already believes that all drugs are the reason behind a lot of crime today.

“There’s been nothing created at the federal level to let any of this [legalization] happen,” said Andrew Ittleman a partner at Fuerst Ittleman who works with marijuana issues. “If they want to change the course of the industry, it is well within their power to do so.” He added that he doesn’t see the scheduling of marijuana moving in a positive direction under Trump.

Meanwhile, states continue to approve and advance various laws surrounding medical marijuana and decriminalization. Georgia wants to expand qualifying conditions for medical marijuana, Wisconsin is voting to expand cannabidiol access this week, Utah approved a medical cannabis research bill and New Hampshire voted to move forward with decriminalization. There are however, signs of push back as well. Maine is looking at delaying retail sales marijuana in the state and Arkansas is trying to amend a voter-approved medical marijuana law.

For now, the industry is moving forward with the assumption that it will be business as usual and that marijuana is a low priority item on Trump’s agenda. However, nothing in this new administration is business as usual.

To view original article, click here.

Will Trump end crackdown on dirty cash in luxury real estate?

January 22, 2017
By Nicholas Nehamas

Just a month after President Donald Trump’s inauguration, a federal anti-money laundering program that targets luxury real estate is set to expire.

The dragnet monitors pricey home deals for signs of dirty cash, helping detect criminals who launder money through real estate. Manhattan and Miami-Dade County were the first markets scrutinized by the feds.

Here’s the big question: Will Trump — who made his money as a developer — keep the heat on the real estate industry? And if the administration of a developer-turned-president chooses not to renew or expand the regulations, will it be perceived as a conflict of interest?

Unlike other industries where cash changes hands freely, real estate has few checks on buyers.

Drug dealers and corrupt foreign officials have been busted buying condos and mansions in the United States. While the Obama administration rules were blasted by developers and brokers as faulty, they don’t seem to have hurt business as much as first feared since going into effect in March.

Trump’s decision could affect home prices in South Florida and other top markets. Streams of foreign cash are driving up prices beyond what many locals can afford, even as they’ve created jobs in the construction and real estate sectors. More than 70 percent of foreign buyers in South Florida pay cash, according to the Miami Association of Realtors. (Cash deals are vulnerable to money laundering because they don’t involve banks, which are required to report suspicious activity.)

The new president’s team did not respond to interview requests. And the Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN) — the U.S. Treasury Department agency responsible for the rules — said it could not comment on its plans.

“As we are still in the data-gathering phase …. we cannot speculate on any future actions,” said Stephen Hudak, a FinCEN spokesman. The agency has described the regulations — renewed for 180 days at a time — as a pilot program to decide if real estate deserves permanent anti-money laundering rules.

Law enforcement supports the push.

In the United States, it’s possible for a shell company to buy a home without anyone knowing who the real owner is. That allows criminals to stash cash in real estate, officials say.

“We don’t come across [money laundering in real estate] once every 10 or 12 cases,” said John Tobon, U.S. Homeland Security Investigations Deputy Special Agent in Charge for South Florida. “We come across real estate being purchased with illicit funds once every other case. And then the challenge becomes who is the real owner. … When we knock on the door of the individuals involved in the real estate transaction, they say they don’t know.”

The initiative — known as a geographic targeting order (GTO) because it zeroes in on specific metro areas — is set to expire on Feb. 23. Before then, FinCEN could renew the order for another six months. Or it could announce plans to make the measure permanent. Or it could simply allow the rules to lapse, saying it had accomplished its data-gathering mission.

Another GTO targeting electronics exporters in Doral was not renewed after a year.

FinCEN’s director, Jennifer Shasky Calvery, left the agency last year. That means Trump’s nominee for Treasury secretary, former Goldman Sachs executive Steven Mnuchin, if confirmed, will appoint her successor.

Decision time

Trump staked his presidential campaign on business-friendly policies and support for law enforcement.

But in real estate, those pledges could clash like bulldozers playing chicken. via GIPHY

In a video address previewing his first 100 days in office, Trump said he would “formulate a rule which says that for every one new regulation, two old regulations must be eliminated.”

“So important,” he added.
In other speeches, he cast himself as a “law and order” candidate.

“On crime, I am going to support more police in our communities, appoint the best prosecutors and judges in the country, pursue strong enforcement of federal laws, and I am going to break up the gangs, the cartels and criminal syndicates terrorizing our neighborhoods,” he said in an August speech.

Laundering money through real estate is a key way criminal organizations hide their profits.

Lee Stapleton, a South Florida attorney and former federal prosecutor, said even with a change to an anti-regulation administration, she feels a reversal is unlikely.

“It’s difficult to un-ring the bell,” Stapleton said. “Once these regulations have been put in place, it’s more likely that they will be expanded to other cities rather than removed from the cities where they already exist. … If it’s

something that’s been successful in the test cities, it’s possible to see it nationwide.”

So far, there’s been little indication which way FinCEN will go.

Andrew Ittleman, an attorney who focuses on anti-money laundering compliance, said he was sure the rules were here to stay — when it seemed like Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton would be the next commander-in- chief.

“We now have a president who used to be a real estate developer,” Ittleman said. “That’s a big wild card. … He’s going to have a decision to make as to his priorities: Do we want to curb this kind of money laundering? If so, is it worth curbing future real estate development?”

For the Trump administration, any decision on the issue presents a conflict of interest, said Richard Painter, a former chief ethics lawyer for George W. Bush who has urged Trump to divest his family’s business holdings.

“If the regulation gets rescinded, it could appear Treasury is backing off money laundering in real estate,” Painter said. “And why? Because the president is a real estate developer who sells a lot of high-end units? Or because of a legitimate policy goal? No one will know.”

As a developer, Trump signed licensing deals for several luxury condo towers in South Florida. Among the buyers at three Trump-branded properties in Sunny Isles Beach were members of a Russian-American organized crime group, a Venezuelan oilman convicted in a bribery scheme and a Mexican banker accused of robbing investors of their life savings, a Miami

Herald investigation found. (An attorney for Trump said his organization was not involved in sales.)

Crackdown begins

In January 2016, FinCEN announced it would begin monitoring secretive luxury home transactions in two markets: Miami-Dade and Manhattan.

The agency chose Miami and Manhattan because in both places many homes are bought with cash and banks report a high number of suspicious transactions. The regulations were later expanded to other markets in New York, Florida, Texas and California.

The rules require title insurance companies to report the true owners of shell companies using cash to buy luxury homes. In Miami-Dade, the regulations kick in for deals of $1 million or more. In Manhattan, the price point starts at $3 million. (Title insurers play a role in almost all real estate transactions.)

Banks operate under similar “know-your-customer” rules.

At the time, real estate players balked, worried about a negative effect on business and the industry’s reputation. The Miami Realtor’s Association hosted a seminar entitled “How to Avoid the Treasury Trap.”

So far, however, the effect on sales has been muted, according to Realtors, analysts and industry data.

While it’s true that luxe sales fell dramatically in South Florida in 2016, most of the decline is attributable to a strong dollar, economic instability in Latin America and overbuilding, said Ron Shuffield, president and CEO of EWM Realty International, one of South Florida’s top brokerages.

“When you started getting to a point where it was 100 percent more expensive to buy here than it was the year before, many of the big Latin American buyer markets shut down,” Shuffield said.

The number of sales began to fall before the GTO went into effect. Since then, the free-fall has continued. In Miami, sales of more than $1 million fell 19 percent year-over-year since the order began in March 2016, according to EWM and Trendgraphix. In New York City, sales were down 6 percent, appraisal firm Miller Samuel found.

In July, FinCEN announced it would expand its order. Now under heightened scrutiny: all five boroughs of New York City; Miami-Dade, Broward and Palm Beach counties; the San Francisco bay area, Los Angeles and San Diego; and the county that includes San Antonio, Texas.

Sales in affected markets in California and Texas markets have boomed, suggesting the GTO is playing only a small role in the South Florida and New York slowdowns.

FinCEN hasn’t said how many transactions have been reported. In a conference call with reporters last year, a Treasury official revealed that a quarter of the transactions reported to the agency in Miami-Dade and Manhattan involved people whose banks had also filed suspicious activity reports about their business dealings.

Not so bad for business

The narrowly tailored order hasn’t been as burdensome as the industry feared.

“I don’t think our title companies have had to deal with more than a couple of these transactions,” Shuffield said. “We thought there might be a stigma that would attach to New York and Miami. But I think people have forgotten about it.”

One reason for that: Cash, in FinCEN’s definition includes hard currency, personal checks, business checks, traveler’s checks and money orders. But it does not include bank wire transfers, the most common way buyers pay for pricey homes.

FinCEN’s authority does not allow it to track wire transfers. But it has asked Congress for that power, with the support of law enforcement.

“We’re one of the only countries in the world that doesn’t keep track of incoming and outgoing wires,” said Tobon. “The banks do it, but they do it for their business purposes. I have to get a subpoena, and the info is very limited.

If I were working for the [Royal Canadian Mounted Police], I would have that in real time.”

If permanent regulations allow monitoring of wire transfers, the order could have a more dramatic affect, brokers agree.

Some buyers have tried to avoid the disclosure requirements by using wire transfers instead of cash, according to Leonard Prescott, Florida counsel for First American Title Insurance, who spoke at a Greater Miami Chamber of Commerce event last year.

While the effects of the crackdown are difficult to measure in economic terms, they have helped educate the business community and the public, said Jonathan Miller, a New York-based housing analyst.

“Before this ruling, I don’t think most were aware of the scale of kleptocracy around the world, so it helped shed some light on it,” he said. “With the new administration and their outward goal to reign in regulations, I have to wonder if it will be remain in place indefinitely.”

Richard Steinberg, a luxury broker in New York and Palm Beach, said he doesn’t think the order was well conceived. But he has changed the way he does business since it was issued: Even though the rules apply to title insurers, not brokers, he now insists on knowing the names of all his buyers, not just their lawyers or accountants. So far, he said, clients have agreed.

“Why look for problems?” he asked. “I don’t want anything to come back and haunt me.”

 

Andrew S. Ittleman, a founder and partner of Fuerst Ittleman David & Joseph in Miami, concentrates his practice in white-collar criminal defense, anti-money laundering compliance, and food and drug law. He litigates extensively against the U.S. government in civil and criminal matters. He may be reached at aittleman@fidjlaw.com.

To view original article, click here.

Federal Litigation Update: Amendments to the Local Rules for the Southern District of Florida Go Into Effect December 1, 2016

On November 4. 2016, the United States District Court for the Southern District of Florida issued Administrative Order 2016-56 announcing several amendments to the Local Rules of the Southern District of Florida. The amendments will impact calendaring response deadlines, acceptance of service of filings, and time limitations to serve discovery motions, among other things. The amendments to the Local Rules go into effect December 1, 2016. A copy of Administrative Order 2016-56 and the amended rules can be read here and significant amendments are discussed below.

A.  S.D. Fla. L.R. 5.1(e) – Consent to Service

S.D. Fla. L.R. 5.1(e) was added to the local rules to provide that when a filer registers as an electronic filing user through the Southern District’s CM/ECF system, such registration constitutes consent to receive electronic service pursuant to Fed. R. Civ. P. 5(b)(2)(E) and Fed. R. Crim P. 49. Additionally, not only does registration with CM/ECF constitute consent to electronic service under 5.1(e), but now such registration also acts as a waiver of any right to receive service by any other means. Additionally, the rules provide that for those documents which must be served but not filed, such as discovery requests, such service can be effected via email to the email address designated by the attorney for receipt of notice of electronic filings through the CM/ECF system.

B.  S.D. Fla. L.R. 7.1(c)(1) – Time for filing 

The amendments also have changed the time computations for responding to motions served electronically in the Southern District. Under the previous rules, electronic filing via CM/ECF was treated the same as service via mail for purposes of calculating time to respond. Towards that end, the prior version of 7.1(c)(1) provided for an additional 3 days on top of the standard 14 days for a response and 7 days for a reply for those documents served either by electronic service or via mail.

However, the amendments have eliminated this additional 3 days for electronically filed documents. As a result, S.D. Fla. L.R. 7.1(c)(1)(A) now provides that electronically filed documents are now treated the same as documents served via hand delivery. Starting December 1, 2016, if a motion or memorandum of law was filed via CM/ECF or hand delivery, responses to such motions are due within 14 days after the motion was filed and replies to such responses are due 7 days after filing of the response.

7.1(c)(1)(B) was amended to clarify that the 3 additional day rule still applies in cases where service is only by mail. Additionally, the rule was amended to trigger the start date for the 14/7 from the date that motion was certified as being mailed. Under the prior rule, the 14/7 day response timing was triggered from the date of delivery. It is important that counsel remember these new timing rules in order to avoid missing deadlines post-December 1, 2016.

C.  S.D. Fla. L.R. 26.1(g) – Timing of Presentation of Discovery Disputes

Local Rule 26.1(g)(1) was also amended by the Court to further clarify the time limitation to serve discovery motions. Under the revised rule, all discovery disputes shall be presented to the Court via motion (or other Court-approved method) within 30 days from: a) the original due date, or later date if extended by the Court or parties agreement, of the response or objection to the discovery that is subject to the dispute; b) the date of deposition in which the dispute arose; or c) the date on which a party first learned of or should have learned of a purported deficiency concerning the production of discovery materials. However, the rule notes that the 30 day period can be extended once for a period up to 7 days by an unfiled, written stipulation between the parties, provided that the stipulation does not conflict with a Court order.

The amended rule also makes clear that the failure to present a discovery dispute within the 30 day timeframe, absent a showing of good cause for delay, may constitute a waiver of the relief sought. It should be noted that the rule was changed from a showing of “reasonable” cause to a showing of “good” cause. How this slight change will affect untimely discovery disputes remains to be seen.

D.  S.D. Fla. L.R. 88.10 – Criminal Discovery

Local Rule 88.10 was amended to allow for (and perhaps encourage) criminal defendant to request that the Court enter a Standing Discovery Order, which provides for uniform discovery under Rule 16 of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure.  Local Rule 88.10 also provides that, once the Court enters a Standing Discovery Order, criminal defendants’ reciprocal discovery obligations and duties are likewise uniform.  Additionally, Local Rule 88.10 requires/reminds the Government of its constitutional obligations to provide favorable evidence to criminal defendants under seminal Supreme Court decisions such as Brady v. Maryland, United States v. Agurs, Giglio v. United States, and Napue v. Illinois.  Finally, Local Rule 88.10 provides for uniform production of forensic evidence for criminal defendants’ inspection and testing.

*****

Fuerst Ittleman David & Joseph’s litigation practice has a long record of successfully resolving high stakes cases on behalf of clients across a wide range of industries and in numerous forums. If you or your company is in need of representation in a case involving a complex legal dispute, contact us at (305) 350-5690 or contact@fidjlaw.com for a free consultation.

MSB Regulatory Update: Workers’ Compensation Fraud in Florida and its Continuing Effect on Check Cashers

As we previously reported here, in 2011, Florida Chief Financial Officer Jeff Atwater announced the creation of the “MSB Facilitated Workers’ Compensation Fraud Workgroup” to develop comprehensive reforms to combat workers’ compensation fraud schemes and close loopholes that allowed MSBs to be exploited by individuals committing workers’ compensation premium fraud. In 2012 the Florida Legislature unanimously passed CS/HB 1277, which adopted many of the Workgroups’s recommendations, and those changes to the law became effective July 1, 2012.

In 2013, the Florida Legislature passed House Bill No. 217 which requires check cashers licensed in Florida to submit certain transaction information to Florida’s Office of Financial Regulation (“OFR”) through an electronic check cashing database. The transaction information includes, among many other factors, the payee’s workers’ compensation insurance policy number or exemption certificate number when the payee is a business. This requirement was aimed specifically to crack down on workers’ compensation premium fraud.

However, just last week, Florida C.F.O. Atwater announced the arrest of the owner of a construction company allegedly involved in a workers’ compensation fraud scheme. This is just the latest in a string of workers’ compensation fraud arrests in South Florida in 2016. Just like many of the other similar schemes, it is alleged that the owner of the construction company used a money services business (“MSB”) to cash the company’s $11 million in payroll checks.

MSBs, and specifically check cashing businesses, have become a central focus in these workers’ compensation fraud cases because the companies that perpetrate the fraud consistently utilize the services of check cashers—rather than banks—in order to complete the fraudulent transactions. This is not to say that all the MSBs used in these schemes are willing participants of the fraud—rather, many are unwitting victims themselves.

This recent arrest and others like it demonstrate that in spite of Florida’s comprehensive changes to its workers’ compensation and check cashing laws, fraudsters remain determined to commit this type of fraud using MSBs, leaving workers’ compensation fraud a top priority for Florida law enforcement.

How the Fraud Works and the Involvement of MSBs

While each workers’ compensation fraud scheme is factually different, there has been a consistent structure seen predominately in the construction industry in Florida’s metropolitan areas. Typically, a participant in the fraud will open a shell company on-line through the Florida Department of State, Division of Corporations using a nominee owner and naming the company with a generic name (one that does not indicate the type of work purportedly conducted by the company). The shell company owned by the nominee owner has no actual place of business, employees, or operations. It is merely formed so that it can obtain, with the help of the facilitator, a minimal (inadequate) and relatively inexpensive workers’ compensation insurance policy by misrepresenting to the insurance company the type of work it conducts and the amount of workers it employs. For instance, the company will claim that it employs a small construction crew of 2-4 workers involved in relatively low risk activities such as roofing repair, drywall installation, or paving.

Once the policy is issued, the facilitator of the fraud then offers the company’s policy for “rent” to uninsured subcontractors for a fee. Often times the facilitator will “rent” out the company’s policy to multiple uninsured subcontractors at the same time. The uninsured subcontractors will then approach general contractors using the name of the shell company to bid on a particular project and use the certificate of insurance as “proof” of their insurance. Because the certificate does not list the amount of coverage of the policy, the general contractor will not realize the insurance is wholly inadequate. The uninsured subcontractor is typically able to outbid other subcontractors who are compliant with Florida’s laws on workers’ compensation insurance because they are “saving” in some cases nearly 20% by circumventing the insurance requirement.

The uninsured subcontractor posing as the shell company will complete the job and receive payment from the general contractor typically in the form of a corporate check made payable to the shell company. This is where the check casher comes into play. Because banks typically require business checks to be deposited into the business account and do not cash these types of checks, the nominee owner of the shell company or the facilitator will take the check to a check casher. Typically the nominee owner and/or the facilitator will have already established a relationship with the check cashers and have already been identified as “authorized” persons on behalf of the shell company in the check casher’s “Know Your Customer” (“KYC”) files. The check casher will then cash the check for the shell company and take its check cashing fee. From the cash received, the facilitator will take his or her cut and return the balance of the cash to the uninsured subcontractor to pay the workers.

In some instances the check casher is “in on the fraud” and will take a larger fee than is legally authorized and/or falsify the required Currency Transaction Report (“CTR”) for transactions over $10,000.00 in the name of the nominee owner to avoid naming the facilitator or other co-conspirators on the report. However, in other instances, the check casher is merely a victim being used by the fraudsters. Yet, even in those cases where the check casher is not a willing participant in the fraud, the check casher and its principals can nevertheless find themselves in regulatory and even criminal trouble.

Protecting Against Becoming an Unwitting Participant in these Fraud Schemes

What is perhaps most alarming for the MSB industry is that an MSB can find itself in trouble on a state and federal level as a result of its involvement in these schemes—even if the MSB did not know about the workers’ compensation fraud scheme. By merely failing to adhere to the legal requirements and responsibilities imposed on MSBs, an MSB can find itself facing serious penalties spanning from regulatory fines, to license revocation, to prison time. In many cases, the strongest defense that an MSB can have to protect against liability is an iron-clad, fully compliant AML/BSA policy that is actually implemented. Bona fide compliance is the best defense.

It is imperative that check cashers adhere to the federal and state laws and regulations governing check cashing and file all required Currency Transaction Reports (“CTRs”) and any necessary Suspicious Activity Reports (“SARs”). A perfectly written compliant AML/BSA policy is worthless if it is not properly implemented at all levels of the business including any agent or authorized vendor of the MSB.

MSBs and their agents must also be monitor each transaction closely to assess the risks and other reporting requirements that might arise. For instance, Florida MSBs engaged in check cashing are required to monitor and report aggregate transactions that exceed $1,000 per person per day. Recent guidance from FinCEN, which can be found here, makes clear that risk assessment is not something that can simply be addressed at the onset of the business and then placed on the back-burner. Both principals and agents are required to continually reassess their risk exposure, address additional risks that are presented, and rectify weaknesses or deficiencies that are revealed in their AML programs. AML risks can be jurisdictional, product-related, service-related, or client-related. Here in South Florida, the jurisdictional, client-related, and service-related risks include but are certainly not limited to workers’ compensation fraud schemes through shell construction companies and stolen identity tax refund check fraud as addressed in FinCEN’s 2015 Geographic Targeting Order. It is imperative that MSBs understand these risks and understand how these frauds are committed to adequately address them through compliance controls.

Conclusion

It is clear that Florida law enforcement is still cracking down on workers’ compensation fraud with an eye on the MSBs that service them. It is unclear from reports whether the MSB linked to the Pompano Beach construction company fraud is suspected to be complicit in the scheme or just an unwitting victim exploited by the fraudsters. However, this story and countless others like it demonstrate how critically important it is for all MSBs to be vigilant in monitoring all transactions and conducting proper Know Your Customer (“KYC”) procedures as well as adhering to all state and federal laws and regulations regarding AML and reporting requirements.

The anti-money laundering and white collar criminal defense attorneys at Fuerst Ittleman David & Joseph have extensive experience representing MSBs in a variety of criminal proceedings and regulatory enforcement actions at the state and federal levels. For more information, please contact us at 305-350-3690 or contact@fidjlaw.com.

 

 

Paul Vigna & Michael Casey, “The Age of Cryptocurrency: How Bitcoin and Digital Money Are Challenging the Global Economic Order,” 258-59 (2015)

Featured In – Paul Vigna & Michael Casey, “The Age of Cryptocurrency: How Bitcoin and Digital Money Are Challenging the Global Economic Order,” 258-59 (2015). Link available here: https://play.google.com/store/books/details?id=Kv8CBAAAQBAJ&rdid=book-Kv8CBAAAQBAJ&rdot=1&source=gbs_vpt_read&pcampaignid=books_booksearch_viewport

The Money Services Banking Crisis: A Complex Solution for a Simple Problem

Commentary by Andrew S. Ittleman
Daily Business Review

Money services businesses, a broad category of nonbank financial institutions running the gamut from brick-and-mortar money transmitters, check cashers and currency exchangers to more modern e-wallet and prepaid access providers and bitcoin exchangers, provide millions of Americans with financial services they cannot receive from banks.

To show how critical MSBs are to the functioning of the U.S. financial system, a 2013 Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. survey found 9.6 million U.S. households did not have bank accounts and 24.8 million households — 20 percent of the U.S. population — were underbanked, meaning they had bank accounts but also used alternative financial services outside of the banking system.

Today, MSBs worldwide are caught in a banking crisis showing no signs of relenting. Based on real and imagined enforcement risks, most banks have categorically decided against providing accounts to MSBs, while others have been ordered by regulators to stop serving MSBs. This process of “de-risking,” by which banks terminate relationships with “high-risk” customers, has been brutal for the MSB industry and resulted in unforeseen consequences, including:

• Banks as de facto regulators.

Banks have become the primary MSB industry regulators, a role they neither desire nor can fulfill. Even for MSBs with the required state licenses and Financial Crimes Enforcement Network registration, banks hold the exclusive authority to decide which MSBs live or die, and exercise this authority without due process or standards comporting with the rulemaking requirements of any first-world jurisdiction.

• Elimination of MSBs.

Many longstanding MSBs have ceased operations because of a lack of access to banks. Startups offering digital and virtual solutions for their customers have failed for the same reason. All of this leads to fewer choices, poorer service and higher prices for MSB customers.

• Unsafe and unsound financial activities.

Some MSBs have clouded the nature of their businesses to open bank accounts, defeating the banks’ anti-money laundering programs. By deceiving banks, numerous MSBs have committed federal felony offenses and been criminally prosecuted. In other cases, as recently reported by the Wall Street Journal, money transmitters have been forced to fly cash-filled duffel bags to Dubai for distribution throughout the Middle East and Africa because banks in the U.S. have ceased providing accounts to MSBs serving the African diaspora. Rather than allowing these transfers to occur bank-to-bank and under the U.S. government’s watchful eye, the banking crisis has driven huge volumes of money underground, benefiting none more than the international black-market financial system.

Buy-in Needed

As simple as the problem may be, the solution requires the full buy-in and cooperation of regulators, banks and the MSB industry.

While various domestic and international governmental bodies — including Financial Action Task Force, Federal Financial Institutions Examination Council and FinCEN — have made clear that banks can and should service the MSB industry commensurate with their anti-money laundering responsibilities, these announcements are not binding on the agencies regulating banks or the agencies’ employees and examiners. Without consistency in these announcements, banks will remain concerned about inconsistent enforcement, and continue making financially motivated business decisions to stay away from MSBs.

But blaming banks for the banking crisis accomplishes nothing. They have only recently emerged from a historical era of government enforcement with billion-dollar fines stemming from unsafe, unsound and/or fraudulent business activities. No wonder they want to avoid high-risk accounts. If banks should be criticized for anything it is lack of vision or a failure to recognize the benefits MSB clients bring. In addition to dealing in money as their inventory and often being required to maintain sizable cash deposits to remain compliant with state licensing laws, MSBs have access to advanced financial technology, customer bases, and international partners that could benefit US banks suffering from a generational shift in trust and goodwill.

So, who should take the lead in this issue? Without a doubt, the MSB industry — and with a single voice. Among other critical issues that the industry must continue to champion is how MSBs can support law enforcement and anti-money laundering initiatives, encourage financial inclusion and accelerate international commerce.

The International Money Transfer Conferences are an excellent platform for this discussion, and hopefully the conferences continue to expand. The Money Services Businesses Association, which I helped create with key members of the industry and other MSB attorneys and consultants, also provides a valuable resource and platform. Through these combined efforts and ideally with the with the help of the international banking community and its regulators, MSBs will soon find banks that wish to have them as customers.

Andrew S. Ittleman, a founder and partner of Fuerst Ittleman David & Joseph in Miami, concentrates his practice in white-collar criminal defense, anti-money laundering compliance, and food and drug law. He litigates extensively against the U.S. government in civil and criminal matters. He may be reached at aittleman@fidjlaw.com.

To view original article, click here.

What’s Worse Than Pot Staying Illegal? Pot as an FDA-Regulated Drug

By Will Yakowicz

The end of marijuana prohibition is coming. But how the federal policies will change could have a dramatic effect on the nation’s burgeoning legal marijuana businesses, which could fall victim to the same scourge that has hampered so many other nascent industries: regulations.

At the end of this month, the Food and Drug Administration and the Drug Enforcement Administration will announce their decision whether or not to reclassify marijuana under the Controlled Substances Act. The agencies did not give a hint as to which way they are leaning, but there are a number of moves they could take–the plant could be de-scheduled completely like alcohol or tobacco; it could remain as a Schedule I drug (it’s current classification) or some of the plant’s active chemicals could be rescheduled while the whole plant could remain illegal.

The real concern among those in the industry is what happens if the FDA and DEA reschedule marijuana as a Schedule II drug. FDA regulation experts say if pot is placed in the same category as legal pharmaceutical formulations of opioids like oxycodone and stimulants like amphetamine the burden of keeping up with regulatory compliance might be too costly for many of today’s small marijuana companies.

“Schedule II would be a nightmare for the cannabis industry,” says Andrew Ittleman, a lawyer and partner at Fuerst Ittleman David & Joseph in Miami. His firm helps companies navigate FDA’s laws and regulations.

Right now, since marijuana is classified as an illegal drug with no medical benefits, the drug’s prohibition is policed by the Drug Enforcement Administration and other law enforcement agencies. But if it is reclassified as a drug with medical benefits, the FDA would lead the charge in regulating its manufacture, distribution, sale, and use.

What’s more, under the Schedule II classification, every cannabis-derived product would be subject to the kind of scrutiny typically reserved for drugs like Adderall and OxyContin. If, for instance, a brand says its Cannabidiol (CBD) oil cures seizures or Tetrahydrocannabinol edibles (THC) relieve pain, the products will be targeted for testing. If the claims turn out to be unproven, that company could be charged with criminal misbranding, says Ittleman. So rather than just going back to the drawing board, a company’s operators might face prison time or fines. Further, if a company’s manufacturing facilities aren’t up to FDA standards, the products made in those facilities would be considered an “adulterated drug,” or impure and unfit for consumption, under federal law, says Ittleman.

To be sure, ensuring your products are viable and safe for consumers is a worthy endeavor. There are, after all, a great many reasons why many regulations exist in the first place. Additionally, this new classification could give marijuana something of a credibility boost–that is, it puts the drug in the same league as legal, but controlled substances that are regulated by the government, prescribed by degree-holding doctors, and dispensed by licensed pharmacists.

The trouble is, the marijuana industry as it exists today simply isn’t prepared for the rigors of transforming into a pharmaceutical industry.

If marijuana becomes a Schedule II drug, the FDA would subject companies to intense inspections and testing. Companies would need to get their packaging and labeling approved by the FDA; the Federal Trade Commission would be there to ensure companies don’t sink to unfair or deceptive marketing and advertising practices. If marijuana was de-scheduled, and placed into the same category of alcohol and tobacco, it would fall under the purview of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives. That has its own maw of legal hoops to maneuver.

“If the FDA came out and said we are making cannabis Schedule II and the entire industry didn’t change, the whole industry would be illegally trafficking a Schedule II substance,” says Hank Levy, a CPA for marijuana companies, including Harborside, one of the largest dispensaries in the nation. Simply put, the industry as it stands today would not be legal under a whole set of other laws.

“I don’t see Schedule II as being any help here for the existing cannabis industry at all,” says Ittleman, who notes that the changes likely open the door to big pharmaceutical companies that have the experience manufacturing Schedule II controlled substances. “This is the red carpet for Purdue Pharma and Pfizer to enter the industry,” adds Ittleman.

Even so, marijuana entrepreneurs remain undeterred. The cannabis industry is a $40 billion dollar market regardless of federal law and it’s not going away.

Last December at a Meetup group event in New York City calledHigh NY, marijuana entrepreneur Steve DeAngelo, the founder of Oakland, California-based Harborside, took questions from the audience regarding the future of the industry. DeAngelo, who started as an activist in Washington, D.C., now runs a $30 million a year dispensary. DeAngelo has battled federal law enforcement to successfully avoid commercial forfeiture and is currently battling the IRS in an effort to change tax code 280e.

One audience member asked: What happens if the industry loses the war? What if a new president comes in and orders the DEA to drop out of black helicopters and arrest every entrepreneur in all 24 states where some form of the marijuana economy enjoys state law protections? What if the DEA and FDA do the same thing to marijuana as they did with opium and outlaw the actual plant and only permit pharmaceutical pills? What would the marijuana industry do if suddenly pot was only legal in pill form?

DeAngelo smiled and said the marijuana plant cannot be stopped by a government, a new president, or a cadre of agencies.

“We’ll take to the hills, like we always have,” said DeAngelo, explaining that farmers in northern California have been growing in the isolated foothills of the Emerald Triangle since the 1960s. “It’s a plant and it can grow anywhere. The only way they can take it away from us is if we give it to them.”

To view original article, click here.

Asset Forfeiture Update

March of 2016 was a busy month for the law governing asset forfeitures. First, at the national level, in Luis v. United States, the United States Supreme Court ruled that the pretrial restraint of legitimate, untainted assets needed to retain a criminal defendant’s counsel of choice violates the Sixth Amendment. A copy of the opinion can be here. At the state level, Gov. Rick Scott signed into law S.B. 1044 which provides sweeping reforms to Florida Contraband Forfeiture Act making it more difficult for law enforcement to seize assets through civil forfeiture and expanding protections to those subject to such forfeitures. A copy of S.B. 1044 can be read here.

In Luis, the defendant was charged with obtaining $45 million through health care fraud. Pretrial, the Government argued that Luis had spent most of the $45 million she was charged with fraudulently obtaining. Thus, in an effort to preserve Luis’s remaining funds for possible restitution, the Government moved for an injunction pursuant to 18 U.S.C. § 1345 to prevent Luis from spending her remaining assets. These assets included not only the remaining ill-gotten gains, but also untainted assets, i.e. those assets and funds not connected with the crimes charged. However, such a freeze was allowable under 18 U.S.C. § 1345 because it allowed for an injunction freezing: 1) ill-gotten gains, i.e. those fund fraudulently obtained; 2) property “traceable” to the crime; and 3) “property of equivalent value.”

Luis argued that a freeze of her untainted assets, i.e. “property of equivalent value,” would prevent her from using her own untainted funds to pay for her legal defense and would therefore violate her Sixth Amendment right to counsel. The District Court disagreed and found that, while an injunction may prevent the defendant from obtaining the counsel of her choice, the Sixth Amendment did not give her the right to use her own untainted funds for that purpose. The Eleventh Circuit affirmed.

In overturning the lower court’s decision and holding that the pretrial freeze of untainted assets needed to retain a criminal defendant’s counsel of choice violates the Sixth Amendment, the Supreme Court focused on two key areas: 1) the fundamental right to counsel versus the Government’s preferred punishment, i.e. restitution; and 2) the distinction between untainted and tainted assets. As to the former, the Court made clear that although the right to counsel is not unlimited, the Sixth Amendment grants a defendant “a fair opportunity to secure counsel of his own choice” that he “can afford to hire.” Here, the Court found that to allow the Government to freeze untainted assets pretrial would allow the Government to undermine the value of this fundamental right in order to secure assets for the Government’s preferred method of punishment, in this case restitution. The Court found that when compared to the right of counsel, the Government’s interest lies “further from the heart of a fair, effective criminal justice system.”

As to the latter, the Court noted that what made this case fundamentally different from its previous cases regarding asset forfeiture and the Sixth Amendment is that here the assets at issue are untainted. The Court found this important for several reasons. First, as a matter of property law, a defendant only maintains an “imperfect” ownership interest in tainted funds. Assets and funds stolen are the property of the victims, not the defendant, and the tools used to procure ill-gotten gains and assets traceable to such gains are considered to be property of the Government at the instant a crime is planned or committed pursuant to 21 U.S.C. § 853. However, no such situation exists with untainted assets.

The Court considered other factors too. First, as noted above, the right to counsel outweighs the Government’s choice of punishment. Second, limited to no support exists in the common law to support the Government’s position that the Court may engage in unfettered, pretrial forfeiture of otherwise innocent funds. Finally, the Court found that as a practical matter, the right to counsel would be significantly eroded because the result of a pretrial asset freeze would be to create essentially an indigent defendant who would “fall back upon publicly paid counsel, including overworked and underpaid public defenders.” As explained by the Court, “[t]he upshot is a substantial risk that accepting the Government’s views would—by increasing the government-paid-defender workload—render less effective the basic right the Sixth Amendment seeks to protect.”

Turning to Florida, increasingly, civil asset forfeiture, a mechanism through which law enforcement can seize assets without ever charging an asset owner with a crime, has come under scrutiny due to its potential for abuse by law enforcement. However, with the passage of S.B. 1044, Florida has attempted to create significant reforms to the civil assert forfeiture process under the Florida Contraband Forfeiture Act, Fla. Stat. §§ 932.701-932.7062, through a number of measures.

First, S.B. 1044 requires that in order to seize property, in most cases, a property owner must be arrested for a criminal offense that forms the basis for determining that the property is considered a “contraband article.” (A “contraband article” as defined under Florida law is found at Fla. Stat. § 932.701(2)(a).). However, it must be noted that the law provides for an exception in the cases of seizure of “monetary instruments” defined as “coin or currency of the United States or any other currency; a traveler’s check; a personal check; a bank check; a cashier’s check; a money order’ a bank draft of any country; an investment security or negotiable instrument in bearer form or in other form such that title passes upon delivery a prepaid or stored value card or other device that is the equivalent of money and can be used to obtain cash,. Property, or services; or gold, silver, or platinum bullion or coins.” Seizures of monetary instruments can still be made without arrest.

Second, S.B. 1044 increases the evidentiary standard required under Florida law that the state government must meet to forfeit property after seizure. Under the previous version of the Florida Contraband Forfeiture Act, the state was only required to establish the seized property was contraband by “clear and convincing evidence.” However, with the passage of S.B. 1044, this standard has been raised to that of proof beyond a reasonable doubt. Additionally, within 10 days of seizure, the seizing agency shall submit an application of probable cause to a court of competent jurisdiction for an order determining whether probable cause exits for the seizure of the property. These reforms bring civil asset forfeiture more in line with the steps that must be taken and the proof necessary to sustain a criminal conviction.

S.B. 1044 provides for additional measures such as: 1) increasing the filing fee paid by law enforcement at the commencement of forfeiture actions to $1000; 2) requiring that law enforcement post a $1500 bond at the commencement of the forfeiture action which shall become payable to the property owner should the property owner prevail in the forfeiture action; and 3) increasing the amount of attorneys’ fees available to innocent property owners if no probable cause is found at the preliminary hearing level.

It is important to note, while these reforms limit seizures under the Florida Contraband Forfeiture Act, these reforms do not address the issues regarding federal civil asset forfeiture. Additionally, with the recent announcement by the Department of Justice that it has restarted its “equitable sharing” asset forfeiture program, which provides that local law enforcement agencies which partner with federal law enforcement to seize assets pursuant to federal laws get to keep large chucks of the assets seized, it remains to be seen whether S.B. 1044 will curb perceived abuses in the program’s use in Florida. During the “equitable sharing” programs initial launch, local law enforcement often used the program as a way around more restrictive state seizure laws or state programs which placed restrictions on the amounts of forfeited assets an agency could keep for itself. Articles by the Washington post describing the “equitable sharing” program’s controversy can be found here and here.

The anti-money laundering and white collar criminal defense attorneys at Fuerst Ittleman David & Joseph have extensive experience representing clients in a wide variety of forfeiture cases at the state and federal levels. FIDJ’s white collar practice group brings their thorough understanding of criminal law and procedure, civil procedure, constitutional law, and the rules of evidence into every forfeiture matter they handle. For more information, please contact us at 305-350-3690 or contact@fidjlaw.com.

How secret offshore money helps fuel Miami’s luxury real-estate boom

At the end of 2011, a company called Isaias 21 Property paid nearly $3 million — in cash — for an oceanfront Bal Harbour condo.

But it wasn’t clear who really owned the three-bedroom unit at the newly built St. Regis, an ultra-luxury high-rise that pampers residents with 24-hour room service and a private butler.

There the trail ran cold.

Until now.

That’s because the Miami Herald, in association with the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists, has obtained a massive trove of confidential files from inside a secretive Panamanian law firm called Mossack Fonseca. The leak has been dubbed the “Panama Papers.”

Mossack Fonseca specializes in creating offshore shell companies for the world’s richest and most powerful people.

The firm’s leaked records offer a glimpse into the tightly guarded world of high-end South Florida real estate and the global economic forces reshaping Miami’s skyline.

And MF’s activities bolster an argument analysts and law-enforcement officials have long made: Money from people linked to wrongdoing abroad is helping to power the gleaming condo towers rising on South Florida’s waterfront and pushing home prices far beyond what most locals canafford.

The leak comes as the U.S. government unleashes an unprecedented crackdown on money laundering in Miami’s luxury real-estate market.

Buried in the 11.5 million documents? A registry revealing Mateus 5’s true owner: Paulo Octávio Alves Pereira, a Brazilian developer and politician now under indictment for corruption in his home country.

A Miami Herald analysis of the never-before-seen records found 19 foreign nationals creating offshore companies and buying Miami real estate. Of them, eight have been linked to bribery, corruption, embezzlement, tax evasion or other misdeeds in their home countries.

That’s a drop in the ocean of Miami’s luxury market. But Mossack Fonseca is one of many firms that set up offshore companies. And experts say a lack of controls on cash real-estate deals has made Miami a magnet for questionable currency.

“The guys who want to clean up dirty money are always going to try to penetrate the system at its weakest spot,” said Joe Kilmer, a former Drug Enforcement Administration special agent. “You’ve got so much real estate being bought and sold in South Florida. It’s easy to hide in plain sight.”

Take Octávio, a dentist’s son who built a fortune developing shopping malls and hotels in Brazil and married the granddaughter of a former Brazilian president before launching his own political career.

In late 2009, Octávio was serving as the vice governor of the capital state of Brasília when federal police filmed his boss, the governor, accepting a thick stack of bills. Prosecutors said it was a bribe. Other tapes caught their associates stuffing pockets, bags and even their socks with cash. Their alleged total take? About $43 million.

When Gov. Jose Roberto Arruda was arrested early the next year, Octávio replaced him. But an informant claimed Octávio also took bribes. The newly minted governor didn’t appear in the videos and denied the allegations, but he resigned anyway. His term lasted 12 days.

Six months later, Octávio’s Miami lawyer asked Mossack Fonseca — which has recently been implicated in a bombshell Brazilian corruption scandal — to set up Mateus 5.

‘Funny money’

In Miami, secretive buyers often purchase expensive homes using opaque legal entities such as offshore companies, trusts and limited liability corporations.

Offshore companies are legal as long as the companies declare their assets and pay taxes. But the secrecy that surrounds those companies makes it easy and tempting to break the law.

The U.S. Treasury Department is so concerned about criminals laundering dirty money through Miami-Dade County real estate that in March it started tracking the kind of transaction most vulnerable to manipulation: shell companies buying homes for at least $1 million using cash.

Those deals are considered suspicious because a) the real buyers can hide behind shell companies and b) banks aren’t involved in cash transactions, circumventing any checks for money laundering.

Cash deals accounted for 53 percent of all Miami-Dade home sales in 2015 — double the national average — and 90 percent of new construction sales, according to the Miami Association of Realtors.

“A property owned in the name of a shell company is not transparent,” said Jennifer Shasky Calvery, director of the U.S. Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCen), the Treasury agency behind the new policy. “There may be legitimate reasons to be non-transparent, but it’s also what criminals want to do.”

The temporary initiative also applies to Manhattan and expires in August. It requires that real-estate title agents identify the true, or “beneficial,” owners behind shell companies and disclose their names to the federal government. In Miami-Dade, the rules apply to homes sold for $1 million or more. In Manhattan, where real estate is more expensive and where foreign buyers also flock, the threshold is $3 million.

No other jurisdictions are being targeted.

The feds will know the real buyers but won’t make the information public. Experts say the crackdown could be the first in a series of stronger regulations on cash deals.

Miami has a long history of money laundering. Its financial institutions report more suspicious activity than any other major U.S. city besides New York City and Los Angeles, according to FinCen data. And a recent case of money laundering involving fancy condos and the violent Spanish drug gang Los Miami drew further scrutiny to South Florida.

Jack McCabe, an analyst who studies the booming local housing market, said it’s impossible to know how many homes are purchased with dirty money.

“But I think many people believe it could be a sizable portion of the new condominium market in Miami,” McCabe said. “Even though developers and real-estate professionals suspect many of these units are bought with illegal funds, they realize their projects may not be successful without that support.”

Flight capital from other countries fuels Miami’s economy. It revived the construction, real-estate and tourism industries after the Great Recession.

Foreign nationals bought nearly $6.1 billion worth of homes in Miami-Dade, Broward and Palm Beach counties last year, more than a third of all local home spending, according to the Miami Association of Realtors. It’s not only foreign money that’s suspect. Mauricio Cohen Assor and Leon Cohen-Levy, a Miami Beach father-and-son duo convicted of a $49 million tax fraud in 2011, used Mossack Fonseca offshores to hide assets.

“No one wants to kill the goose that laid the golden egg,” McCabe said.

Law firms like Mossack Fonseca and their Miami partners operate in a shadow economy, largely free from the “know-your-customer” rules imposed on U.S. banks. Others in the real-estate industry, including Realtors, are also exempt.

The corrupt know they can park their cash here with few questions asked.

In Brazil, prosecutors claim Mossack Fonseca created offshore companies that allowed officials of the state oil company to collect and hide bribes. At a news conference in January 2016, prosecutors called the firm “a big money launderer” and announced they had issued arrest warrants for four employees of its Brazilian office for crimes ranging from money laundering to destroying and hiding documents.

In an email, Mossack Fonseca spokesman Carlos Sousa defended its business practices: “Our firm, like many firms, provides worldwide registered agent services for our professional clients (e.g., lawyers, banks, and trusts) who are intermediaries. As a registered agent we merely help incorporate companies, and before we agree to work with a client in any way, we conduct a thorough due-diligence process, one that in every case meets and quite often exceeds all relevant local rules, regulations and standards to which we and others are bound.”

Mossack Fonseca also said that its Brazilian office was a franchise, and that the Panama law firm, which practices only in Panama, “is being erroneously implicated in issues for which it has no responsibility.”

You can read MF’s full response on MiamiHerald.com.

From Brasília to Bal Harbour

Paulo Octávio was indicted on corruption charges a year after stepping down as governor. He did not respond to a request for comment. But his local lawyer Julio Barbosa, who keeps an office on pricey Lincoln Road and asked Mossack Fonseca to set up the offshore, said the purchase of the Bal Harbour condo violated no laws.

“Any transactions in South Florida handled by my firm complied with all applicable laws, including U.S. and Brazilian taxation and disclosure requirements,” Barbosa wrote in an email to the Miami Herald.

Owning U.S. property through offshore companies is popular with foreign nationals because it allows them to claim significant breaks on their estate taxes, thanks to the U.S tax code. But offshores are also useful for shifting money around beyond the reach of regulators and tax authorities — not to mention estranged spouses and angry creditors.

Routing money through a web of offshores and other entities can help add a patina of legitimacy to dirty cash, said Ellen Zimiles, a former federal prosecutor in New York. That’s crucial for bringing tainted money from abroad into the United States without raising suspicion, Zimiles said.

Many of the people named as owning offshore companies belong to Brazil’s upper echelon, which has pumped money into Miami real estate as the Brazilian economy has collapsed.

Other people in the files include:

▪ Helder Rodrigues Zebral, the former owner of a popular Brazilian steakhouse convicted twice for embezzling public funds and avoiding public bidding in his home country. Known for driving a Mercedes and dating socialites, Zebral paid $1.9 million for a condo in Sunny Isles Beach in 2011, between his two trials.

▪ Marcelo Carvalho Cordeiro, the former president of Rio de Janeiro’s pension fund, who wasfired after allegedly handing out a multimillion-dollar contract through improper back channels. Cordeiro paid $2.7 million for a home on Key Biscayne last year. He is suing a business partner in Miami for libel.

▪ Luciano Lobao, a construction magnate and the son of Brazil’s former energy minister. The elder Lobao is under investigation for corruption in a massive scandal over alleged bribes for state oil company contracts.

Lobao himself has been investigated over allegations he overcharged the government on 2014 World Cup contracts. He bought a condo at Eden House in Miami Beach for $636,000 in 2013 and sold it for $1.1 million the next year.

There’s no proof that dirty money was used in any of the transactions uncovered by the Herald.

Several of the men, including Lobao and Cordeiro, made no effort to hide the deals. They set up BVI offshores and then bought the properties using Florida companies registered under their own names. Emails between Mossack Fonseca employees and the men’s lawyers say the purpose of the offshores was to purchase Florida real estate but don’t go into detail.

The Miami Herald called, emailed or sent registered letters to the buyers, as well as their lawyers, asking what role the offshore companies played in the transactions or whether their assets were declared to Brazilian tax authorities, as required by law. Two of them responded.

Marcelo Calvo Galindo is a top executive at a Brazilian network of universities that is facing criminal charges for tax evasion in Brazil. He paid $2.7 million for two units — one of them a 2,900-square-foot penthouse — at the St. Tropez in Sunny Isles Beach. He showed the Miami Herald tax returns stating that he had paid taxes for his offshore companies in Brazil.

Marcos Pereira Lombardi, who runs a newspaper, as well as several other businesses in Brasília, said he set up an offshore for estate-tax benefits. He spent $2.7 million on two condos at Trump Towers I and II in Sunny Isles Beach and said he pays all his taxes in Brazil and the United States.

“I bought these properties in Miami because it was a business opportunity, as prices in Florida were very attractive,” he wrote in an email. “I love Miami and the United States, so I chose to invest here.”

Lombardi, known as “Marcola,” has been investigated in Brazil for allegedly getting an insider deal on government land and conspiring to fix gas prices, charges he denies. He bought one Trump Tower unit through a Florida company that listed him as its manager and another under his own name.

But transparency doesn’t always mean legality.

Prosecutors argued that he was laundering profits from a lucrative cocaine-smuggling business. They said he had been the leader of a violent drug ring called Los Miami andseized his assets, including a fleet of luxury cars and 13 condos, after he was found guilty of money laundering.Peter Zalewski, a local condo market analyst, said López Tardón’s case prompted the feds to take a hard look at Miami real estate.

“Locally, people have been talking about illicit money propping up the condo market since the 1980s,” Zalewski said. “The government usually needs a catalyst like this before it can act.”

A Miami federal judge sentenced López Tardón to 150 years in prison.

“I call it funny money, and we have a plethora of funny money here,” U.S. District Judge Joan Lenard said during his sentencing hearing in 2014.

A cleaned-up game?

“Funny money” includes more than briefcases brimming with hundred-dollar bills, a common sight during Miami’s cocaine cowboy era in the 1980s. Today, “cash” more commonly signifies certified checks, traveler’s checks, cashier’s checks and money orders.

For now, FinCen is tracking only transactions that use cash in those forms, as well as hard currency. It will not require reporting on deals that use wire transfers or personal checks, which leave more of a paper trail at banks, opening up a potential loophole.

By not monitoring those financial instruments, investigators will miss out on most sales of new condos, said Alan Lips, a Miami accountant.

Theresa Van Vliet, a former federal prosecutor in South Florida, said FinCen could have been uncomfortable stretching its authority to cover wire transfers.

“This is a strategic move,” she said. “It’s good to start small.”

Cash home deals are one of the last unregulated sectors of the U.S. real-estate market; there are already strict reporting requirements for homes bought with mortgages.

Despite the federal scrutiny, most industry professionals say money laundering doesn’t play a role in real estate — at least not anymore.

“When I was selling real estate in Davie in the late ’80s, we used to get bags of cash,” said Jeff Morr, a Realtor at Douglas Elliman. “There were no rules. … Today, everything is watched. It’s clean.”

Developer David Martin, who is closing sales for a 319-home development in Doral, said the new FinCen rules haven’t caused a single buyer to back out.

“I think this is really blown out of proportion,” agreed Carlos Rosso, president of the condo division for local mega-developer Related Group. “Everything is done through the banking system for new construction. Maybe for [single-family] homes and existing condos they are using cash.”

Dirty or not, the surge of foreign money means big changes for people who livehere.

The real-estate boom that kicked off in 2011 spawned construction jobs and tax dollars. City boosters touted the foreign investment as a sign that Miami had arrived on the world stage. But the boom also sent home prices soaring beyond the reach of many working- and middle-class families. Locals trying to buy homes with mortgages can’t compete with foreign buyers flush with cash and willing to pay the list price or more.

Two-thirds of Miamians now rent their homes — more than any other major city in the United States — and that number is up eight percentage points since 2006, according to a recent study from New York University. High housing costs have combined with low incomes to make Miami the least affordable city for renters in the country.

“If we’re stifling people’s ability to create a financial asset like a home, we’re stopping their ability to start new businesses [and] to invest in education for their families,” said Ali Bustamante, a researcher at Florida International University.

Feds are watching

In 2001, the USA Patriot Act mandated that all parties involved in real-estate closings perform due diligence on their clients. Lobbying from the industry won it a temporary exemption that has been in place for nearly 15 years.

Real-estate agents argue they don’t have the expertise to investigate their clients.

The American Bar Association has also opposed stronger disclosure requirements for real-estate lawyers, saying they would violate attorney-client privilege.

But the new federal initiative centering on Miami-Dade and Manhattan may be the first sign that the exemption is ending.

“This is the ceremonial first pitch,” said Miami lawyer Andrew Ittleman said. “We still haven’t gotten into the game.”

Between the federal crackdown on secret cash home deals and strengthening anti-money-laundering rules around the world, it may grow harder to pump dirty cash through Miami real estate.

Other countries have stricter rules than the United States.

The European Union has started building a centralized database of beneficial owners. The EU’s compliance rules extend to real-estate agents, law firms and trust agents, as well as financial institutions.

That disparity frustrates some American bankers, who say they bear too much of the burden in the United States.

“It would be a lot easier for a bank like us to do our job if others [in the real-estate industry] had similar responsibilities,” said Scott Nathan, an executive vice president at Miami Lakes-based Bank United.

A number of events and blog posts have explored loopholes in the new FinCen rules.

One local seminar held in March was headlined “How to Avoid the Treasury Trap.” It promised to teach real-estate professionals “how to avoid money-laundering charges and stay on the right side of the law” while working with clients who want to keep their deals secret for legitimate reasons.

“You can not only survive, you can thrive,” an advertisement said.

The Miami Association of Realtors hosted the event.

Teresa King Kinney, the association’s CEO, said the intention was not to dodge the regulations. “It was to make sure our members understand what the rules are, how they can affect a deal and what the alternatives are,” Kinney explained.

Jennifer Shasky Calvery, FinCen’s director, disagreed. She compared the industry’s behavior to a drunk driver turning around before reaching a roadside DUI checkpoint.

“It’s always amazing that the drivers think the police aren’t watching that,” Calvery said. “I feel like we’re really learning about the culture of the real-estate economy in Miami.

To view original article, click here.